There is no single, authoritative national statistic on how many U.S. attorneys primarily practice criminal law. Federal data sources classify lawyers by employer or industry rather than by subject-matter specialization, and bar organizations’ tabulations are not standardized across jurisdictions. Consequently, the best evidence comes from large, peer-reviewed studies of the legal profession that measure practice fields within representative samples and from scholarly syntheses of that literature. Taken together, these sources converge on a consistent picture: criminal practice constitutes a small minority of the U.S. bar—on the order of the mid–single digits, rising when prosecutors and public defenders are included.
The most detailed field-distribution evidence comes from the American Bar Foundation’s landmark “Chicago Lawyers” research program, which repeatedly mapped the practice ecology of a large metropolitan bar. In the 1990s wave reported in Urban Lawyers, criminal work accounted for only a small slice of the bar overall, with criminal defense occupying a modest share of private practitioners and a substantial fraction of government lawyers working as prosecutors or public defenders; combined, the criminal sphere in that metropolitan sample fell in the mid–single digits of the total bar (Heinz et al. 2005). An earlier analysis of the same bar in the 1990s similarly found that criminal practice remained a numerically small specialty relative to civil litigation and business-related fields, underscoring the stability of this pattern over time (Heinz, Nelson, and Laumann 1998). These studies also show that criminal practice is disproportionately located in solo and small-firm settings and in the public sector—features that keep its overall share limited even as it is central within those segments of the profession (Heinz et al. 2005).
National syntheses reach parallel conclusions. Reviewing multiple empirical studies, Sandefur characterizes criminal practice as a minority field within the stratified “two hemispheres” of the bar, concentrated in “people law” practices and in government roles rather than in the corporate hemisphere that numerically dominates large-firm employment; in aggregate, this places criminal practice below one-tenth of the profession and typically in the mid–single-digit range (Sandefur 2007). Classic structural accounts of the U.S. profession likewise emphasize that only a small fraction of lawyers specialize primarily in criminal matters, with most legal labor allocated to civil and commercial work; historical estimates in these accounts have consistently located criminal practice as a minor share of the bar (Abel 1989).
Triangulating across these research traditions yields a cautious but defensible estimate for the contemporary United States: approximately 5–8 percent of practicing attorneys primarily practice criminal law. The lower end of that range reflects the small proportion of private practitioners who identify criminal defense as a principal specialty; the upper end reflects inclusion of the sizeable corps of prosecutors and public defenders within government lawyering. Because many civil practitioners occasionally handle criminal matters, the proportion of lawyers who ever do any criminal work is higher than the proportion whose primary practice is criminal. But as a share of the bar defined by primary specialization, the best academic evidence places criminal practice firmly in the single digits (Heinz et al. 2005; Heinz, Nelson, and Laumann 1998; Sandefur 2007; Abel 1989).
Brandon L. Blankenship is an assistant professor, continuing legal education presenter, and business educator. He and his wife Donnalee live on their hobby farm south of Birmingham, Alabama.
Abel, Richard L. 1989. American Lawyers. New York: Oxford University Press.
Heinz, John P., Robert L. Nelson, Rebecca L. Sandefur, and Edward O. Laumann. 1998. “The Changing Character of Lawyers’ Work: Chicago in 1975 and 1995.” Law & Society Review 32 (4): 751–775.
Heinz, John P., Robert L. Nelson, Rebecca L. Sandefur, and Edward O. Laumann. 2005. Urban Lawyers: The New Social Structure of the Bar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Sandefur, Rebecca L. 2007. “Staying Power? The Persistence of Social Inequality in the U.S. Legal Profession.” Annual Review of Law and Social Science 3: 377–401.
A mechanism generally refers to a process, system, or structure by which something is accomplished or a result is achieved. In law and political science, mechanisms are procedural or structural means that enable or enforce certain outcomes.
Jury Trial as a Mechanism
A jury trial is a legal proceeding in which a group of ordinary citizens (the jury) is tasked with making findings of fact and rendering a verdict, while the judge oversees the process and rules on questions of law. This process is distinct from a bench trial, where a judge decides both the facts and the law.
The purpose of a jury trial is to provide a structured, impartial method for resolving disputes—whether criminal or civil—by relying on the collective judgment of peers rather than a single official. The stages of a jury trial (jury selection, presentation of evidence, deliberation, and verdict) form a procedural system designed to ensure fairness and transparency.
Jury Trial as a Legal Mechanism
In the context of legal and governmental systems, a jury trial functions as a mechanism for:
Fact-finding in legal disputes
Ensuring public participation in the justice system
Providing a check on government power and judicial authority
Safeguarding constitutional rights (as enshrined in the Sixth and Seventh Amendments in the U.S.)
Conclusion
A jury trial is indeed considered a mechanism—specifically, a procedural mechanism within the legal system for resolving disputes and protecting individual rights. It operates as a structured process that enables impartial decision-making by a group of citizens, serving both practical and constitutional functions in democratic societies.
Brandon L. Blankenship is an assistant professor, continuing legal education presenter, and business educator. He and his wife Donnalee live on their hobby farm south of Birmingham, Alabama.
A Biblical model of justice is deeply rooted in the moral, ethical, and legal teachings found within the scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. This model emphasizes principles that are both timeless and profound, reflecting the character and laws of God as understood in Judeo-Christian traditions.
1. Righteousness and Equity: At the heart of Biblical justice is the concept of righteousness, which is integrally connected to fairness and equity. The Hebrew word "tzedakah," often translated as righteousness, implies living in right relationship with God and others, promoting fairness in all dealings. It is not simply a legalistic adherence to laws but involves a heartfelt commitment to justice as a reflection of God's nature (Proverbs 21:3).
2. Compassion and Mercy: Biblical justice also encompasses compassion and mercy, as seen in the teachings of Jesus and the prophets. The call to love one's neighbor and care for the marginalized—widows, orphans, and strangers—is a recurring theme. This reflects a justice that goes beyond retribution to include restoration and healing (Micah 6:8; Matthew 5:7).
3. Restitution and Restoration: Unlike purely punitive systems, the Biblical model emphasizes restitution and restoration. The Mosaic Law includes provisions for compensating those who have been wronged, thereby restoring relationships and community harmony (Exodus 22:1-14). This approach seeks to repair the harm done and reintegrate offenders into society.
4. Accountability and Repentance: Accountability is a key component, with individuals expected to acknowledge their wrongdoings and seek forgiveness. Repentance is not merely a personal act but a communal process that restores relationships with God and others (Psalm 51:1-4; Luke 19:8-9).
5. Divine Justice: Ultimately, Biblical justice acknowledges the sovereignty of God as the final judge. Human systems are seen as reflections of divine justice, which will be fully realized in God's kingdom. The eschatological aspect of justice assures believers that ultimate justice will be served, even if it is not fully realized in this life (Romans 12:19; Revelation 21:4).
A Biblical model of justice integrates righteousness, mercy, restoration, accountability, and divine sovereignty. It challenges contemporary legal systems to incorporate compassion and restorative practices, emphasizing that true justice involves healing, reconciliation, and the pursuit of peace. This model calls for a justice that is transformative, seeking the well-being of individuals and communities in alignment with divine principles.
Brandon L. Blankenship is an assistant professor, continuing legal education presenter, and business educator. He and his wife Donnalee live on their hobby farm south of Birmingham, Alabama.
Raymond Flanks is a man who was wrongfully convicted of murder and spent nearly 39 years in prison before being exonerated and released in 2022.
Arrest and Conviction
In December 1983, at the age of 20, Flanks was arrested for robbing a New Orleans supermarket. While in custody, police found a gun on him that they wrongly connected to the fatal shooting of an elderly man named Martin Carnesi during a botched robbery. Despite inconsistencies in the eyewitness testimony and evidence, Flanks was convicted of murder in 1985 and sentenced to life without parole.
Incarceration and Exoneration
Flanks spent most of his time incarcerated at the Louisiana State Penitentiary, known as Angola. He maintained his innocence throughout his imprisonment, writing to the Innocence Project multiple times. In 2020, the Innocence Project New Orleans took on his case and uncovered that the prosecution had withheld key evidence that might have led police to another suspect.
On November 17, 2022, at the age of 59, Flanks' conviction was overturned, and he was released from prison after nearly 39 years of incarceration. Both prosecutors and defense attorneys argued for the conviction to be overturned due to the inconsistencies in the eyewitness testimony that were kept from the original jury.
Personal Life
During his time in prison, Flanks reconnected with Cassandra Delpit, an old friend from his neighborhood who became his life partner. They bonded during visits at the Angola Prison Rodeo, where Flanks would sell crafts he had made.
Flanks' case highlights issues within the criminal justice system, particularly in Louisiana, which has one of the highest exoneration rates in the country. His exoneration was made possible through the efforts of the Innocence Project New Orleans and the Orleans Parish District Attorney's Civil Rights Division.
Brandon L. Blankenship is an assistant professor, continuing legal education presenter, and business educator. He and his wife Donnalee live on their hobby farm south of Birmingham, Alabama.
The Southern Environmental Law Center (SELC) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan environmental advocacy organization that focuses on protecting the environment in the southeastern United States. Founded in 1986, it has grown to become the largest environmental law organization in the region.
Key Features
Mission and Focus: SELC's primary mission is to protect clean air, clean water, and a livable climate while preserving the region's natural resources. They tackle a wide range of environmental challenges, including climate change, wildlife protection, and land conservation.
Geographic Scope: The organization operates in six southeastern states: Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia. They also maintain an office in Washington, D.C. to address federal issues.
Legal Expertise: SELC employs over 100 lawyers and has a total staff of about 200 working across nine offices. They use their legal expertise to challenge environmental threats through litigation, policy advocacy, and community partnerships.
Major Initiatives
SELC has been involved in several significant environmental campaigns:
Coal Ash Cleanup: They've led efforts to force utilities to properly store or recycle coal ash, resulting in major cleanups across the Southeast.
Pipeline Opposition: SELC played a crucial role in the cancellation of the Atlantic Coast Pipeline after a six-year campaign.
Endangered Species Protection: They've successfully challenged permits for projects that threaten endangered species, such as the N.C. 540 highway extension.
Land Conservation: SELC has prevented construction and logging on approximately 700,000 acres of land in their six-state region.
Energy Market Regulation: They've partnered with other nonprofits to challenge energy market proposals that could negatively impact the environment.
While SELC is widely recognized for its environmental protection efforts, it's worth noting that the organization has faced criticism from some quarters for its opposition to certain energy infrastructure projects, including nuclear energy initiatives.
Brandon L. Blankenship is an assistant professor, continuing legal education presenter, and business educator. He and his wife Donnalee live on their hobby farm south of Birmingham, Alabama.
